The Hacker Demo Scene And It's Cultural Artifacts by George Borzyskowski - Vince Scheib Backto Demos Explained This paper archivedfrom http://www.curtin.edu.au/conference/cybermind/papers/borzysko.htmlon October 17th 2000. All content remains property of George Borzyskowski, and is contained here for archival purposes only."THE HACKER DEMO SCENE AND IT'S CULTURAL ARTIFACTS" George BorzyskowskiSchool of DesignCurtin University of TechnologyPerth, Western Australiarborzysk@cc.curtin.edu.auABSTRACTThe paper reports on a study undertaken into vernacular forms of multimediaproduction referred to as "demos" or "intros" and variantsof these terms among adherents of a computer oriented subculture identifyingitself as "the scene". The cultural and technological factorswhich are thought to have influenced the evolution of the genre since theearly 1980's are discussed as are observations which distinguish a specific,almost exclusively male gender, internationally dispersed anarchistic youthsubculture which holds this form of cultural production as a principalobjective.An analysis of a number of examples of the genre provides tentative informationon the dynamics of the subculture which survives on the basis of libertyand co-operation in the absence of coercive or cohesive structural influence,and presents an overview of the "demo" genre form in terms of function andaudio visual syntax. INTRODUCTIONThe study was undertaken from 1992 to 1994 and resulted in an accountof a cyberculture which evolved before the current widespread availabilityofaccess to the world wide web via graphical browsers such as Mosaic, Netscapeor Internet Explorer. It was and is a subculture whose transactions arecreated and delivered through the computer screen, though in it's formativeyears the transmission and exchange of the data was by means of floppy diskpassed on by hand or through the international postal service. Files werealso maintained and distributed on private scene bulletin board systems.These were operated by keen amateurs while the internet was still the exclusivedomain of government instrumentalities and research institutions. It isalso a subculture about which very little has been written or reported outsideof its own internal communications in the form of diskzines, and demoscrolltexts and the author acknowledges the useful information in thebook by Phil Shatz Walkthoughs and Flybys and the more recent articleDigital Graffiti which appeared in the UK edition of WIRED magazine,issue 1.03 in June 1995, by Dave Green, and republished in the US edition,issue 3.07 in July 1995, retitled Demo Or Die! (the unacknowledgedslogan of demo group SANITY). The resources accessed at the time of thestudy included:Aminet:Scandinavia ftp.luth.se 130.240.18.2 pub/aminet/ Switzerland litamiga.epfl.ch 128.178.151.32 pub/aminet/ Germany ftp.uni-kl.de 131.246.9.95 pub/aminet/ Germany ftp.uni-erlangen.de 131.188.1.43 pub/aminet/ Germany ftp.cs.tu-berlin.de 130.149.17.7 pub/aminet/ Germany ftp.uni-paderborn.de 131.234.2.32 pub/aminet/ USA ftp.etsu.edu 192.43.199.20 pub/aminet/ USA wuarchive.wustl.edu 128.252.135.4 pub/aminet/ UK src.doc.ic.ac.uk 146.169.2.1 pub/aminet/ Australia splat.aarnet.edu.au 192.107.107.6 pub/aminet/ Funet: Located in Finland, Funet (nic.funet.fi) contains a large collectionof Amiga demos. The majority of demos are in the directory /pub/amiga/demos.(Weiss A, An Amiga User's View of the Internet, Internet World,Mecklermedia Corporation, USA, May 1994, p 44-54) (Speton J G, aminet/text/hyper/adl1129.lha, Aminet Amiga CD ROM,Walnut Creek, USA, Feb. 1994) As a result of the meteoric popularisation of internet, dramaticimprovementsin lodgement and access to online information which have occurred in the shorttime since the completion of this authors preliminary study and in additionto the publication of several CD ROM compilations of demos now available,today information on the subject under discussion is readily available bysimply entering the word demo into the requestor of a favourite searchengine. Useful suggested starting points are:http://www.iprom.com/amigaweb/amiscene.html - (The Amiga Demo Scene)http://www.cdrom.com/pub/demos/hornet/html/index.html - (PC DemosExplained)ftp://ftp.funet.fi/pub/amiga/demos/ - (large archive of Amiga demos fordownload)In this paper the demo and intro genre of computer basedaudio visual production, is shown to be the primary sign equipment of groupswithin a subculture usually referred to from within, as the scene,the demo scene or the Amiga scene. The scene is an aspectof a wider information technology related cultural environment which hasit's origins with the beginnings of the automation of national andinternationaltelecommunications, and is characterised by an impetus among its adherentstowards the discovery and exploitation of features available within thetechnological environment which are not publicly documented. The hackerethos within Today's information culture has been journalistically incorporatedwithin a once fashionable, now passe cyberpunk image, which whilesharing some philosophicalpositions and possibly providing attributes in terms of personal accessorieswhich might be adopted by individuals, is not however representative ofthe demo scene. It is shown that in terms of traditional sociologicalcriteria, the demo scene can be regarded as a distinct subculturein it's own right, and that the body of audio visual production is substantialand constant enough in purpose to warrant recognition as a distinct categoryof cultural artefact. The complexity of this cultural production however,and the incremental development of sophistication raises questions ofmotivationbeyond it's immediate functionality.REASONS FOR THE INVESTIGATIONThe investigation into this vernacular form of multimedia was undertakenin order to gain knowledge about the extent of this form of culturalproduction,some understanding as to the motivation involved, and to explore thepossibilityof applying elements of the audio visual syntax observed in the productionof audio visual communication directed at a youth audience. The investigation was undertaken following the casual observation andcollection of these materials since 1986 following the acquisition of anAmiga computer system. When this study commenced in 1992, some 70 examplesof the genre had been collected on 3.5 inch micro floppy disks, their normalmeans of distribution. Although the extent of this form of production wasnot known at the time, a number of the examples contained sufficient materialof a technical and audio visual sophistication not possible to easily replicateusing the conventional audio visual and multimedia software of the day,coupled with apparently international origins and the use of obscure pseudonymsor tags by the authors, to indicate that further investigation ofthe phenomenon might be worth while. During the following period until March1993, a total of 765 examples of the genre were collected and databasecataloguedaccording to the criteria listed below. Analysis of the collected data revealed391 different groups as being responsible for this production. Speton'sdata revealed a further 320 groups (Speton J G,aminet/text/hyper/adl1129.lha,Aminet Amiga CD ROM, Walnut Creek, USA, Feb. 1994). Though not definitive,711 groups internationally, involved in cultural production of a particularaudio visual genre is thought to be significant..Other factors prompting the investigation were the apparent absence ofthis sometimes irreverent though frequently spectacular genre of productionassociated with the two market dominant personal computer types of the day,the Apple Macintosh and the IBM PC or its clones, and paucity of any discussionof the genre in either culturally or computer oriented literature with theexception of passing acknowledgment of specific examples and their specialeffects but exclusively within the Amiga computer oriented leisure press.OBSERVED EXAMPLESOf the materials at hand at the commencement of the study which couldbe attributed to the demo or intro genre, a number of characteristics wereevident which distinguished this type of production from the several thousandcommercial and non commercial software titles available. These can beenumeratedthus: a. The programs are not commercially produced for sale.b. The authors and contributors if identified almost always usepseudonyms.c. The items generally allude to a syndicated allegiance with a groupname.d. The programs' overt function is message passing and skill exposition.e. Kinetic qualities were unachievable using commercial multimediasoftware.f. Real time computer generated music is part of the presentation.g. Visual effects push the supposed limits of the machine's capability.h. Chronologically developing repertoire of visual kinetic effects.i. If included, frequently uninhibited, egotistical, vernacular text.k. Visual presentation generally non narrative, often linked to or bymusic.l. Evidently almost entirely male gender produced. m. The software code is inaccessible without highly specialisedknowledge.n. The software frequently employs a non standard disk operating system.o. Graphic design content is often skilfully executed.p. Graphic style frequently derived from science fiction or fantasygenre.q. Visual effects often copied from other demos with increasedsophistication.r. International origins attributable, predominantly to northern Europe.s. Evidence of cross national co-operation in production.t. Evidence of predominantly adolescent male youth participation.u. Distribution by mail, modem, PD software libraries and personalcontactv. . Minor acknowledgment, only in Amiga computer specific leisure press.AVAILABLE LITERATUREA literature search conducted at the time with the aim of determiningboth the extent and motivation behind the production of the materials underinvestigation revealed no direct or significant critical commentary on theartifacts here referred to as Demos or Intros published prior to 1993. Therewere however numerous references to the materials in a variety of Amigacomputer specific, mainly leisure oriented magazines. These references usuallywithin columns discussing PD or public domain software are limited toannouncementsof new examples with brief descriptions and subjective assessments by theeditorial staff. This approach to the subject has been common in a numberof British magazines for some years. A regular item for example in the Britishpublication Amiga Format since 1990, has been Demos Corner,currently PD Demo Zone. Typical of the style of critique offeredfollows:INTROS DISK #23 17 Bit Disk 550Six superb mini demos from the likes of D-Mob, Level 4, Red and Black,Powerlords, Jester Brothers and Unique. Just when you thought you were safefrom any further Batman hype, the Jester Brothers spring on you the remixof the Batdance Remix. Meaner, moodier and more manic than before.You'll love it to bits.(Amiga Format, March 1990, p. 93)Subsequently such sections in magazines have frequently been accompaniedby Top Ten charts provided by public domain software distributioncompanies supplying the review software, although the titles listed usuallyinclude many items of a more general nature such as slide shows, music disksand utilities not falling within the remit of the characteristics enumeratedabove. This is a typical listing provided by Telescan ComputerServices:1. Fit Chix II AGA2. Bodyshop 3. Point of Sale AGA 4. Heliopolis AGA 5. World of Manga AGA 6. Clairvoyance 7. Boris Vallejo 8. Vomit 9. Dreamtripping 10. Technological Death[AGA denotes advanced graphics architecture, a colour display mode.](Bradley S, PD Demo Zone, Amiga Format, January 1994)It must be said that little information is to be gained from such reviewsand while acclamation is in evidence for the effects achieved, insight intothe motivation behind the productions is extremely scarce, if not noneexistent.As essentially marketing vehicles for commercial software and hardware vendors,a general observation concerning the leisure press available for overviewwithout detailed scrutiny, indicates this source not to be particularlyfruitful as a focus of insight into the material under investigation.WALKTHROUGHS AND FLYBYSIn his book (Shatz P, Wakthroughs And Flybys CD, Waite Group Press,1993), Shatz usefully touches on the nature of demos and provides some insightinto the reason for their production. The "flashy bits" he writes,are written in custom assembly language and that the creators have "brokenevery rule and used every trick necessary to squeeze the maximum performanceout of your PC". This confirms the view arrived at in this study sincethe history of the genre appears to be strongly characterised by an irreverencefor the official performance specification of the hardware used. Three furthercharacteristics drawn from Shatz's small sample are significant and in linewith the observations of the present study. The age distribution of theproducers, the teamwork involved and the issue of attitude. The ages ofmembers of the Future Crew are reported as ranging from 16 to 21.They "intend to keep creating demos and distributing them for freebecause they have so much fun doing so". Shatz states that the groups,referring to the message networks of Europe, "exude a spirit ofco-operationthat is quite difficult for the average secretive Silicon Valley softwaredeveloper to understand" and that for "these kids" it's all"just a hobby". Finally Shatz usefully describes the divisionof labour, due to the complexity of the process required to complete ademoproject which can take up to a year to produce, the division of labour beingamongst graphics specialists , music specialists and programmers.IDENTIFICATION AND SOURCING OF THE STUDY MATERIALAn understanding and definition of the descriptors "demo",variant "megademo" and "intro" as well as well as thecomprehensive descriptors for the source, the "demo scene" orjust the "scene", relevant to this study based upon common usagein the relevant leisure press, common self reference within the textsincorporatedin the study materials themselves, and confirmation within electronicpublications,DISKZINES or disk magazines distributed within what revealed itselfto be the international community of demo producers, and occurring incommercialPD libraries, ftp sites and on Bulettin Board systems. Some 400 disks werecollected for the study yielding 743 examples of the genre and more than20 titles of underground diskzines including: FREEDOM CRACK, EUROCHART,INFANT DISK MAG, FRAUD, GRAPEVINE, RAM JAM, ZINE, ICE, HACK MAG, MCDISK,STOLEN DATA, TRADER, TOP SECRET, SLIME, FREE 'N' EASY, CRACKERS JOURNAL,CHIT CHAT, MAGGY, PLAYBYTE and BLIPVERTS. Other materials were musicdisks, animation disks and a variety of miscellaneous utility software andpicture disks generally emanating from the demo community, used for referencebut not strictly part of this study. The diskzines are the exception sincein addition to texts embedded in the demos and intros themselves, theyconstitutethe prime source for a view of the fabric of a subculture.STUDY SAMPLE ANALYSISThe collected genre examples were videorecorded and a database wasconstructedin order to extract information useful to the study objective pertainingto the extent of this form of cultural production as well as facilitatingaccess to specific examples within the collection for further study. A numberof database searches revealsed the following:391 differently named groups were identified as having produced thecollected743 examples of the genre between 1987 and 1993.Of the genre sample collected, 1 item was produced in 1987, 14 itemsin 1988, 85 items in 1989, 246 items in 1990, 271 items in 1991, 125 itemsin 1992 and 1 item in 1993. Of the 391 groups identified in the sample, 265 produced only 1 demoeach, 64 groups produced 2 each, 26 produced 3 each, 13 produced 4, 6 produced5, 4 produced 6 each, 5 produced 7 each, 1 group produced 9, 3 groups produced10 each, 3 groups produced 11 each and one group Anarchy of the UK,had produced 20 demos or intros in addition to 10 issues of Stolen Datadisk magazine by the time of the survey.Out of the 743 collected, 339 genre examples were identified where acountry of origin was readily evident either by direct statement of contactaddress or given international telephone number. Of these 64 were producedin the now United Germany, 47 in Finland, 45 in Australia, 38 in Sweden,38 in Norway, 30 in Denmark, 26 in the UK, 21 in France, 10 in Switzerland,8 in the USA, 8 in The Netherlands, 8 in Austria, 6 in Holland, 5 in NewZealand, 5 in Italy, 5 in Belgium, 4 in Poland, 4 multinational, 3 in Turkey,3 in Hungary, 1 in Iceland, 1 in Luxembourg and 1 in the former Yugoslavia.(NB. Many of the examples of the genre, indicated within scrolling textsand greeting lists that groups had members and chapters active in more thanone country and review of the material suggests that international cooperationon projects is substantially more prevalent than the 4 identified examplessuggest). DYNAMICS OF THE SUBCULTUREThe database analysis suggests that demo groups are in the main ephemeralentities, two thirds of the sample producing only one example of the demoor intro genre. Taking into account Speton's data, the indication is thatprobably closer to three quarters of identified groups have created no morethan one production. Further conclusions which may be drawn from the dataand scene disk publications are that groups, which are often very small,consisting of as few as two individuals consist essentially of fairly transientalliances; that members are not necessarily limited in their allegianceexclusively to one group, it not being uncommon for individuals from onegroup contributing to the productions of another or simply changing groups(this is confirmed in scene disk publication articles such as the news sectionof Grapevine #12, and that individual active membershipof the scene is in the majoroty of cases relatively short term, one or twoyears. Of the 391 groups identified from the 743 genre examples collected inthis study only 24 have productions whose dates of origin have been identifiedas spanning more than 2 years. Of the 24, 3 groups, Alcatraz, Fairlightand Kefrens have been identified as having productions spanning the 5 yearsfrom 1988 to 1992. The productions of 9 groups, Crionics, Defjam, Razor1911, Rebels, Red Sector, Scoopex, Silents, Spreadpoint and Zenith span4 years; and from 12 groups Anarchy, Complex, Decay, Dual Crew, Majic 12,Mystix, Paralax, Sanity, Share And Enjoy, Slipstream, Zaphod (an individual)and Zero Defects span 3years.SOFTWARE PIRACYMedia reporting, anecdote and hearsay suggest, that among others, elementswithin the demo scene have been associated with software piracy, as referredto above, that is the duplication and/or distribution of commercially producedsoftware in contravention of copyright legislation and other aspects ofthe criminal code in various countries. This has been borne out in examinationof the text legends in the category of productions known as intros. Introsto what? A question with a frequently obvious answer confirmed in an articleHoist the Jolly Roger by Kelly Beswick (Amiga Games, October 1991,p46-48) with the explanation:"When you first load a copy of a game that's been pirated by ateam of crackers, you usually see a list of names running across the bottomof the screen. These are the pseudonyms the hackers like to give themselves.It's all part of the bravado, with messages being sent to fellow piratesand sly digs being made at the people who provide the technicalprotection."Anecdotal and journalistic evidence suggests that computer software piracyas a social phenomenon generally pervades the growing international communityof computer users, though numerically probably to a lesser extent thanbroadcastmedia and music piracy in the context of domestic off air video and audiocopying and re-recording. It seems nevertheless that official and commercialinterests need a focus for blame. Hackers as a generic entity emerge asprime candidates, an ill defined subgroup of society more sharply andfashionablycalled cyberpunks following William Gibsons imaginative nomenclature"cyberspace"in his book Neuromancer (Victor Gollancz publ. 1984) and MarianneTrench's 1990 documentary film Cyberpunk . Certainly in the Amiga world this association is clear and seeminglyblatantly confirmed. Many supposed teenage exponents of copy protectioncode breaking, crackers, purposely attract attention to themselvesor at least their adopted and ominous pseudonym entities through the inclusionof cynical announcements in their distributed illicit entertainment products.Cooperative endeavour in obtaining, cracking and redistributing illicitsoftware appears to be one of the focus activities of demo groups. Breaking copy protection schemes while in itself a challenge is inevitablyalso a form of industrial sabotage and it is clear that there are determinedelements within the international hacker and demo subculture whose anticorporate disposition gains an aberrant satisfaction from the causationof overt destruction of commercial protection. The issue of this form ofimpersonal violence against organisations through their commercial propertyis perhaps usefully enlightened by Laurie Taylor and Paul Walton's essayIdustrial Sabotage: Motives and meanings (Ed. Cohen S, Images ofDeviance, Pelican 1971, p.219-245). Walton and Taylor examine both sabotageas fun and as individualistic destruction. They describe industrial situations"where there appears to be almost a hysterical atmosphere in whichevery opportunity for `cocking' up the works will be taken". They conclude"collective messing up of the commodity is another occasion for a gleefulrelease of tension". THE HACKER SUBCULTUREIn terms of this study an appropriate general definition of hacker isto be found in The New Hacker's Dictionary (Raymond E, MIT Press, 1992 3rded):"hacker [originally one who makes furniture with an axe] n.1. Aperson who enjoys exploring the details of programmable systems and howto stretch their capabilities, as opposed to most users, who prefer to learnonly the minimum necessary.... 7. One who enjoys the intellectual challengeof creatively overcoming or circumventing limitations. 8. [depreciated]A malicious meddler who tries to discover sensitive information by pokingaround. Hence password hacker, network hacker. See cracker....""cracker n. One who breaks security on a system. Coined ca. 1985by hackers in defence against journalistic misuse of hacker...."An interesting application of the relevant term appears in the titleof Michael Scott's article Hacking the Material World (Wired,July/August1993, p. 60-61), referring to "true hacker's spirit" he states"Tunnellers are hacking the subterranean passages and hidden crawlspaces of colleges and universities across America....". Scott describesa style of architectural adventuring engaged in by groups of students atcampuses across the USA, in which the objective is to penetrate and discoverhidden accesses, service corridors and shafts of large buildings, presumablyfor the thrill and adventure of it, and answering the challenge of discoveringthe unknown. In the foreword to Eric Raymond's dictionary is an account by Guy SteeleJr. of a hacker community pre-dating the present where the preoccupationwas the invention and development of a technology and the establishing ofearly computer networking systems rather than the sinister activities ascribedgenerally to hackers and cyberpunks today. CYBERPUNK AND THE DEMO SCENEWithin the demo scene the audio visual cultural artifact produced hasbecome a currency. It is a means of transaction not only for the expressionof a set of aesthetic ideals but also for the claiming of status and respectwithin a transnational community. These productions seem to be a means fordeclaring mastery over an aspect of an increasingly technologically mediatedworld. This ability to manipulate technology as evident in the demos andintros produced and the rapidity with which software copy protection schemesare cracked sits comfortably alongside a cyberpunk creed which declaresoneness with technology. This assertion of continued presence by Kaauldappeared in issue 16 of the demo group LSD's, Grapevine underground diskzinecirculated in December 1993:C Y B E R P U N K ? D E A D ? N O F U C K I N ' W A Y D U D E ! By Kaauld So, was cyberpunk a mid/late '80's idea that never made it off the street?Or is it still around, festering like the cancerous growth it was alwaysmeant to be? Well, I'm a cyberpunk and I don't care. If it runs on any formof electricity I want it! I'll fix it! I'll fuck it! I'll live it! So, areyou a cyberpunk? Here's some of the essential things for a 'punk to have:SONY MINIDISC - Complete with latest hardcore industrial disc. LASER POINTER - For hassling people in dark alleys. PORTABLE HANDSCAN - (like the scanman 32 for Mac) for literaryappropriationsfor own manifesto. Don't want paper anyway. SONY MULTIMEDIA CD-ROM PLAYER - Preferably with a pirate copy of Vituallight inside. If not then Tetsuo or Bladerunner will do. CELLULAR PHONE - (with scrambler) for low budget coding/decoding. APPLE POWERBOOK 180 - It's gotta be done. Get a modem for it as well.STUN GUN - Self defence (plenty offensive). SONY PYXIS - Find out were the hell you are with this longitude/latitudefinder via sats. MICRO CAMERA - Hardcopy data. MONOCULAR 10x25mm - shoulder surfing.Latest copies of Wired and Mondo 2000. If ya don't know these then yaain't a 'punk. So are ya a 'punk? Well, if you are getting there, here'sthe latest jargon for ya to learn and cruise with. WEBJAM - A multitasking rave or tribal gathering where self selectedperformance artists do their thing simultaneously. PICKING - Archiving a working model of a computer to read data storedin that computers format. NET SPIDER - Someone who spends a lot of time going from one terminalto another. A real net personality. LIFE SUPPORT - Used to describe the condition of a business or productthat is struggling. LICK YA LIPS - basically, get ready - here we go. FULL ON HONKY HANDSHAKE - (Not to be used racially) Used to describea standard handshake protocol that allows peripherals to connect with outcomplicated configuring. FRIDAY NIGHT MAKER - Slang for that guy who leaves at two in the morningand pukes over the pavement. BITRAKING - The computer equivalent of muckraking - of journalism asit is sometimes known. So? How about it? Cyberpunk dead? Nope sorry no way not ever. Cyberpunkwas NOT a mid '80's idea. It's been around for years. It just got popularin the mid '80's. I'm 22 now and I've been a 'punk since 83 and I like it. If anyone wantsto communicate with me on this subject or any other then type ya letterand send it in ASCII to me on either Amiga/PC or MAC disk at this address:Kaauld The House On The Hill 15 St. Pauls RoadFoleshill Coventry CV6 5DE England.end. (LSD [Leeds Spreading Division], Grapevine, December 1993)A further contribution in the same issue is worth examining in this contextof a style of existence. Where Kauuld list attributes and accessories, theanonymous author, Cygnus, here elaborates a philosophical position, perhapsidealised but certainly expressing an elitist stance at odds with and distinctfrom the mainstream of society. A strategy for survival? "C Y B E R P U N K E X P L A I N E D A Cygnus production O R G A N I Z A T I O N A L 1. Communication is the foundation of Empire. 2. Don't just sit there - Do it! 3. KIS/KIE - Keep It Simple/Keep It Elegant 4. Experiment, Experiment, Experiment. 5. Quality never goes begging. 6. Decentralize and make it worthwhile. 7. Nobody ever went broke by making a profit. 8. Listen and satisfy. 9. Crossbreeding produces mutation. 10. Be different. If you can't be different, be strange. 11. Style is a weapon. 12. The individual is smarter than the mob. 13. Reality is what you make it. 14. The Idea is an immortal virus. 15. Superior technology is superior choice. 16. Action's on the Edge. Enjoy it - all else follows. I N D I V I D U A L I S M Cyberpunk is the triumph of the individual through the power of technology.Modern and post-modern technology has given the individual the power toexpress and realize the creative diversity of his own ideas, a powerunprecedentedin history.P E R S O N A L T E C H N O L O G Y Cyberpunk is closely linked with personal technology, which can be definedas technology which is "close to the skin." Examples are the personalcomputer, the Walkman, the colour-changing contact lens, and so on. Thisis the kind of technology which gives power to the individual. T H E E D G E Cyberpunk is existence on the Edge. The Edge refers to the frontiers,be they social, technological, or mental. It is an attitude which embracesthe new, is willing to try the untried, is willing to experiment. It isa fascination with the fringes, and the boundary conditions, and in general,with the Edge of current reality. S T Y L E Cyberpunk is Style. Style is used to make a point, to entertain, andto make an individual stand out in a crowd. In Cyberpunk, Style appliesto everything from fashion, to software, to hardware, to behaviour, toeverythingunder the Sun. Whatever it is, it should look good, feel slick, and be donewith elegance. In Cyberpunk, Style is the ultimate weapon, and it is usedto wage war on the mundane. I N N O V A T I O N Cyberpunk is innovation at all levels. It is the attitude that thereis always a better way of doing something and that there is glory indiscoveringit. D I A G O N A L T H I N K I N G Cyberpunk is diagonal thinking, which can be defined as creative rulebreaking, nonconformal cerebration and, in general, using virgin neuralpathways on a regular basis. It is very closely linked with innovation,since innovation is frequently theresult of diagonal thinking. U N D E R G R O U N D H U M O U R There is a strong element of underground humour in Cyberpunk, and thisis a part of Style. The essential absurdity of modern life is well realizedin the concept of Cyberpunk and is expressed all over the place. It's anirreverent attitude towards the world that characterizes Cyberpunk. C O M M U N I C A T I O N Cyberpunk is, above all, communication. The transfer and manipulationof information (which is what communication is, in this context) is, morethan anything else, what Cyberpunk is all about. Cyberpunk rides the seasof information along the links, whether they are video, or telephone, orcomputer networks, or printed media, and it is the interaction of myriadsof individuals along those links which makes cyberpunk possible. Cyberpunkis about the mastery of information flow and about the skill in shaping,processing, and manipulating data." (LSD [Leeds Spreading Division], Grapevine, December 1993)Cyberpunk is primarily an intellectual attitude about personal survival,empowerment and control within, and in defence against an all embracinggovernmental and corporate technological infrastructure which seeks to dominatesociety for commercial and political ends. Cyberpunk is not about a perceivedthreat in demeanour in the same sense in which Hebdige discusses youth inhis book Hiding In The Light. The light cyberpunk hides in is notin the visual domain on display to the public. It is impersonal, electronic,digital, international. The kind of outward visible manifestations in person,drawn attention to by Hebdige in the opening chapter of his book, the punkor skinhead style might be an attribute or accessory adopted by an individual,but it is not the central issue in cyberpunk. An element of attitude asidentified by Hebdige as "The power, that is to pose - to pose athreat."(Hebdige D, Hiding in the Light, Comedia, 1988, p. 18), finds expressionon the worlds telecommunication networks and computer installations. Theriot and destruction, if it happens, is not galvanised through the dynamicsof the mob. It occurs by stealth, meted out by odd and not necessarilyaggrievedindividuals as a virus without a specific target. Hebdige's analysis of young lives is particularly useful here and theparallels between his observations of youth style and aspects of the demoscene are significant. There is however a clear difference in the contextwithin which the external evidence of the subculture occurs. There is aparadigm shift in the medium of the externalised expression of the culture.Hebdige refers to visual evidence in the world accessible to conventionalperception. The demo scene operates in cyberspace. It's externalised evidenceis available only through a computer display. Hebdige's references to dressstyle among youth identifying with one group or another has it's parallelwithin the demo scene in the style of corporate audio visual facade thedemo groups present in their names visual symbols and logotype devices.These present a notion of legitimacy as is the practice in conventionalbusiness but unlike business the graphic style changes with every new demorelease only the group name remains constant, Budbrain, Kefrens, Razor1911, Italian Bad Boys, Scoopex or Possessed. This visual corporatefacade is like the dress style of the costers which Hebdige describes orthe wearing of worthless objects as jewellery. The demo group's constantchange of visual symbol versions could be construed to be a comment inoppositionto the permanent nature of such devices in the conventional world.THE RELEVANCE OF CYBERPUNK TO THE SCENEInterestingly while cyberpunk has emerged as a journalistically convenientterm into which adherents of the demo scene might be seen most easily tofit, it is significant that self reference either in underground publicationsof the demo scene or within their productions almost never includes theterm. The two manifesto style items cited above, therefore should be viewedas individual contributions to a scene discourse, rather than being necessarilyrepresentative of or defining the scene in any specific way. Aspects ofcyberpunk, particularly as expressed in the Kaauld item, represent a strongleaning or tendency towards commodity fetishism as consumer and user whichconcurs with Hebdige's discussion of life in the consumption economy (HidingIn The Light, p.192), the merger of subjects and objects, which is ineffect a reliance for self definition through technological possessions,rather than the definition of self through the creation of evidence of anability to produce, as is the case in the demo scene. While both exist withinthe technologically mediated postmodern sensorium, it is clear thatthe sign equipment (Goffman E, The Presentation of Self in EverydayLife (1959), Pelican 1969, p.39) employed by cyberpunk to define socialidentity is appropriated in the form of technological hardware, whereasin the demo scene it is self created in the form of audio visual culturalartefact.THE DEMO AS CULTURAL ARTIFACTDemos are not made without a cost. The amount of time, patience, knowledgeand skill development required are far from trivial. To make a competentproduction in this genre, graphic, musical and programming ability mustbe integrated and the work can occupy from a few hours for an intro by aveteran group, to several weeks or months for a major demo release, as isoften recollected in included texts. An interview reported in RAW Diskmag#2 published by PURE METAL CODERS in early 1992 between PGCS of ALCATRAZand Lord Helmet reports that ALCATRAZ's then new demo ODYSSEY, had takenthe group over 10 months to produce. Invariably the production credits indicate teamwork as members contributedifferent abilities towards a common end, often expressing pride in eachothers work. The projects sometimes involve international cooperation asscattered individuals or chapters collaborate on larger productions. Tothe subculturally uninitiated, these productions are inconsequential, colouredshapes flying around on screen to a musical score somewhat limited in it'sdynamic range and style. A comment that the text is meaningless and thatthere are better things on the television may well be appropriate, but forthe aspiring demo maker, established group member or an amateur computerenthusiast, a demo or intro even without text presents within the sequencesof patterns and dancing shapes, encoded information of at least equivalentsignificance to the aesthetic gratification this variety of eye candy mightstimulate. To the enlightened a secondary reading of the presentation will revealinformation about competence, skill and ingenuity in manipulating the hiddencapabilities of the hardware. This presupposes sophisticated programmingcompetence or at least the ability to access and modify the work of others,preferably in assembler code. The animated images are of mathematicallydescribed objects, geometric shapes and numerical control of the systemgraphics processor often requiring hundreds of lines of such code. Logotypesfrequently executed with enviable craftsmanship, generally have a monumentalappearance of rock, metal or gothic horror dripping blood typography asfound on cinema posters or video cassette covers. Pictorial imagery whereused frequently conforms to a visual realism based on forms of popular sciencefiction and fantasy illustration seen in the better comics, the work ofBoris Valejo, Roger Dean and similar. Musically, while early examples relyon simple computer audio synthesis and a style similar to that heard ingames arcades, the sound which accompanies today's demos and intros is usuallyconsiderably more sophisticated, employing digitised audio samples, sequencedinto the rhythms and treatments of popular music such as hip hop, acid,funk, rap, techno and other variants, but with frequently elaborate melodylines and variations, probably due to the technical limitations of includingvocal lyrics.In addition to the customary musical accompaniment, demos and introsalso have been found to incorporate a number of standard components or parts:a group logo, symbol or both (illustrations as examples of artistic prowess;text messages or announcements delivered onto the screen by various routinessuch as scrolling, zooming, pixel sprinkling, etc.; graphic and animationroutines; lists of greetings to other scene members; and the credits. Theseelements might appear in any order or be integrated together in anycombination,and while intros generally only contain one or two routines, a demo or megademo may present 20 routines or more. Scene diskzine publications such asEurochart, differentiate in their voting between single part demos whichload the complete program into RAM prior to playback, and multi-load demoswhich continue to load segments during the demo presentation which can lastfor more than half an hour of continually changing program content. Statuswithin the subculture accrues to individuals or groups on the basis of overalldesign or demo structure, innovation in the implementation of graphics routinesor improvement upon existing ones as indicated above, and then as a resultof evidence of expertise in specific skill areas such as illustration ormusicianship.DEMOS AND STATUSDemonstration of superiority by these means within an international peergroup appears then to be a primary function of demos in the context of theconclusions stated at the end of chapter 2. Competition and one-upmanshipappear to be more important motivators than announcement of presence inthe scene once groups have moved beyond a basic level of competence. Newgroups make a point, perhaps apologetically, within their screen texts indrawing attention to the fact of their first productions, while it is evidentthat those already established, particularly when presenting new routinesfor the first time, tend to be more assertive. The group Scoopex in their1989 demo MENTAL HANGOVER (Plate 72) in which they introduced a stencilvector routine among others, opened the presentation with the text "THISISN'T A FUCKING MEGADEMO. IT'S A SCOOPEX DEMO" and closed with"ALWAYSREMEMBER - SCOOPEX - GENERATIONS AHEAD", (Plate 73). Much of this typeof claim is puffery it seems in response to similar claims by other groups(Plate 4, 1987 TechTech demo). Lord Helmet in his Summary of the Year1991 (RAW DISKMAG #2), while acknowledging "The best demo of 1990[produced1989] was Mental Hangover", also points out:"Look at the best demos of 1991. 3000% better. Just amazing howfast the progress has gone. I think Scoopex slogan "Light yearsAhead"should be changed to two months ahead. Because today Mental Hangover isnothing. But Mental Hangover will be remembered as the first"trackmo"ever made! The credits in plane vector is copied thousands time by other"(Plate 14, Anarchy Digital Innovation).THE SCENEThe social grouping identified for the purpose of this study then, isthat which can be identified by means of sign equipment known bythe terms: demo, intro or their immediate variants. Further, it canbe asserted therefore that these productions are a useful criterion fordefining a distinct subculture. The 765 examples of the genre obtained asthe study sample, revealed 398 named groups existing at various times between1987 and 1993, proclaiming authorship of distinct examples of relevant genre,ranging from the group Anarchy having 22 productions attributed toit, down to the majority of groups, 266, each having only 1 productionattributed.As observed through scene publications and self references in theirproductions,the demo scene consists of three tiers. The individual, the group or teamand the scene. There is also strong evidence of the importance of statusof groups within the scene ranging from elite to lame. Adescriptionof scene stratification appeared in the diskzine Freedom Crack (issue9, 1992) by scene member, Style of Vega:Levels of the sceneI decided to write in article just to show you like the scene is in myhead, in fact in the brain of everybody. Just to show the different levelsof the scene. I classified the scene in two different things: the demo scene,and the criminal scene. So here's the different category WITHOUT any groupname!The demo scene: [1] Here we have the top elite of the scene. Cool groups with nice demosand nice design, nice music, nice graphics, and fucking cool code. Thesegroups are at the tops of the charts, and they produce a lot of qualitystuff. They have also some BBS [Bulletin Board Systems], sometimes. [2] The groups who're in this section are also in the charts, sometimes fordiskmag, sometimes for cool demo, and they have very good reputation. Theyown some BBS, and some swappers and this is why they are famous. They producealso some cool demos, quality intros with nice design. [3] These groups are known, but they're not in any charts, coz they producea lot of intros, but not any cool demo/dentros. They prefer quantity thanquality, and this is why they're known. Some of them makes some qualityintros, but not more. [4]These groups are known only because they write articles for diskmag,and only bcoz they swap with a lot of people. They're only `swapping group',but they didn't produce anything. Some of them own some BBS, and they areknown in the modem scene. [5]They make 1 or 2 intro per year, just for fun, and they don't care aboutthe others groups of the scene. They just produce for themselves. [6] They're not known, but they think that they're pure elite bla bla. Theydon't know anything of the scene, what means diskmag, they're just cli [commandline interface - standard operating system] demo makers, they also producedemos and intros with demo makers [automated demo making utility software- not individually coded]. [7] They don't know what means the word `Amiga scene', and they have justan Amiga for games. The criminal scene [1] They came from the real pure top elite, these groups have the best crackers,the fastest original suppliers and the fastest boards. They have also someelite mail trader and some elite modem trader.[2] They have some fast boards [BBS], some modem traders, and they make sometrainers [modified game software to give infinite lives etc.]. They arethe fastest trainers makers and have also a lot of credits in a lot of coolBBS. [3] They have not any BBS. just some modem traders, and they make some trainers.But they are not the fastest. [4] They make some trainer, sometimes a crack, but they havn't any modemtrader or any BBS, they just do it and spread the trainer or the crack bymail. [5]They don't know what means BBS, modem traders, these groups think thatthey can cracks games without problem, but they're just lame game playerswho dream to crack and to make trainers.Hope you like this little article about the different level of the scene.You can perhaps find your own level. Remember that this article is NOT for1 group or person. It shows you the whole scene. Anyway, if you didn't likethis article, then do something better for the next Freedom Crack!Style's analysis recognises and differentiates two areas of endeavourwithin the scene, each with their own scale of credibility and levels ofachievement for novices to aspire to. STRUCTURE OF GROUPS WITHIN THE SUBCULTUREThe groups such as those identified, conform to Goffman's conceptualmodel of group (Goffman E, Encounters (1961), Penguin UniversityBooks 1972, p. 9), in that their "properties include regulation forentering and leaving; capacity for collective action; division of labor,including leadership roles; socialisation function, whether primary or adult;a means of satisfying personal ends; and latent and manifest social functionin the environing society." Of individuals within groups, Goffman states"....they perceive themselves as members who belong, identifying withthe organisation and receiving moral support for doing so; they sustaina sense of hostility to outgroups. A symbolisation of the reality of thegroup and one's relation to it is also involved." Most of these features are clearly evident in the demo scene althoughthe associations which exist are not formalised in any conventionally officialsense. There is no governing body nor are there any written rules. Thereare no geographical boundaries, even at group level membership is frequentlytransnational and intercontinental. The factors which bind and define thescene are interest in the productive potential of a common technology anda mutual respect for skill in manipulating the technology beyond what issupposed to be possible; an irreverent stepping beyond the edge in theproductionof audio visual artefacts which are the symbolisation of the reality(Goffman 1961) of the group. Collective action and the division of labourare prominently documented in the majority of productions with credits goingto such functionaries as coders (programmers), graphiciansor artists, musicians, swappers, spreaders (distributors), mailtraders, modem traders (software swappers using computertelecommunications)and crackers (commercial software protection code breakers). Leadersare seldom mentioned though it is to be expected that since individualsare variably motivated then decision making can be achieved in any of anumber of ways, and the function of organiser does occur. A typical groupmembership is listed in RAW DISKMAG #2 (1991): INFINITE PERFECTION I.P. is a new group made up of mostly modemdudes and crackers. they havegot members from Skid Row, Crystal, etc. [BBSs in capitals]Belgium:Joey Beltram Organizer, ModemBadamon Originals SupplierMike 'WASTE GATE' Gordh TrainerMithrandhir Coder GraphicianEngland:Hybrid 'ULTIMATE DREAM'Executioner 'TREASURE ISLAND'Akira Originals SupplierZygor Modem/Mail TraderManx Modem/Mail TraderStarr Coder, CrackerXag Coder, TrainerHI. T. Moonweed 'FLYING TEAPOT'France:Shocker Original SupplierFlyspy Coder, CrackerJBG Original Supplier Alex Original Supplier Loulou Original Supplier Germany:Shut Berlin WHQ, 'W.T.C.'Marc CrackerNephilim 'HEAVENS HELL'Adictor Modem, TrainerDisk Jockey CrackerBlackcat Cracker, TrainerBob Duncan 'HILTON PALACE'Italy:Rave 'LETHAL ZONE'Norway: Jaffa Mega SwapperSweden:The Master 'SLIME CITY'Mercy Modem TraderUSA:Rolling Stone 'DEVILS TRIANGLE'H.O.S. of Sorrow 'CREEPING DEATH'Winter Mute 'MARTIRIUM'Gazoo 'WILD WAREZ'Leviathon Modem TraderWhile the majority of members functions within INFINITE PERFECTION appearto be concerned with supplying, cracking and illegally redistributingcommercialsoftware rather than demo production the international profile is not unusual,neither it is seen, is membership limited to a single group. The numberof BBS systems operators and modem traders listed also explains the rapidinternational distribution of warez and demos once available. Group sizedoes vary considerably and is dependant upon factors such as length ofestablishmentand priority of activity. Groups primarily concerned with software acquisitionand redistribution clearly benefit from large size and wide distributionwhereas an emphasis on demo creation may be more efficient with a smallnumber and close proximity. A typical smaller group for example isCYBERNETIX:C Y B E R N E T I X - WHO THE FUCK ARE WE?By HOBBiT of CYBERNETiXI have been asked this question several times recently. So here, freewith this issue of Grapevine, is your very own print-out-and-keep guideto who's who in CNX. We are a fairly new group, therefore we haven't yetgot as many members as we would like. At the time of writing (17/8/92) CNXconsists of the following people; STORM - Spends many of his waking hours staring at Xcopy. You guessedit, Storm is a mail swapper, because that's what he does best. BOOTLEGGER - Bootlegger codes games and stuff. And that's it really.ROMBUST - CNX's resident boffin, Rombust likes nothing better than fiddlingaround with Devpac [assembler programming software] for hours on end. He'scoded no end of games, which have gained high praise from paper mag reviewers.He's also a cracker, which is a shame, because we've got fuck all originalsfor him at the moment! MEGADETH - The Glasgow street artist draws kewl logos 'n' stuff. HOBBiT - The "leader" of the group. Also runs the CNX WHQ (contactaddress and official swapping address). Spends most of his waking hoursXcopying, since he swaps with an horrendous amount of contacts. But he stillfinds time to fulfil hisother group role - that of total weirdo and sickpervert. This makes him the ideal Grapevine writer! DAN - Dan not only codes, but draws as well. What a guy! MAD PHANTOM - Mad Phantom composes mad music in his saner moments (i.e.not very often!) ST. MICHAEL - In between chillin' out around Fleet, Hants (well, someone'sgot to live there!), St.M often finds time to casually chuck a few jiffiesin the postbox. So that's why his postman's not got any kids.... (Bit obscurethat one, think about it!) For joining our friendly, productive group (NOTa bunch of losers with no coders! ehehe) then write to me, Hobbit, at:(no name), 195 Old Road, Chesterfield, Derbyshire, S40 3QH, EnglandIf you're a coder/gfx/artist then please send samples of your work. Ifyou're a trader, make sure that ya are swappin' 0-4 day old stuff only!end. (Grapevine #12 1992)The way these associations develop or emerge is illustrated in a furtherarticle from Grapevine #12, which is usefull to include here due to theinsight it provides to what may be a typical sequence of events:A N E X - L A M E R S S T O R Y - By CARDIAXX of WDL I was one of those who started with computers by playing games at theold 'n' rusty [Commodore] 64. I was just starting to learn basic and haddone some lame productions and of ours some crappy demos at the Pro DemoCreator [software for making demos without programming] (I'll bet that itain't one who can't remember the old PDC). Then a friend of mine boughtthe ultimate machine: The Amiga 500 1.2. I must admit: I got pretty angry.There he was with his powerful tool of an machine. Graphics which wereunthinkable. The computer freaks-dream. An Ultimate tool of the Gods. Well,I still managed with my 64, but it wasn't the same. Then another friendof mine got this power-tool in his possession. I was getting green of envy.But as the strong dude I am, I still managed with my 64. Then the 3rd ofmy friends bought an Amiga. I then decided, I want a taste of heaven. Ilooked in the local paper and what did I see....FOR SALE Amiga 500 1.2 with sampler, genlock and 100 disks. 5000 NOK call *** **** I was in the seventh heaven. An AMIGA, so cheap. With so much so I calledthe number, like in a dream. "Yes, **** here", it answered. "Areyou the fellow who's selling an AMIGA." , I said. "Yes, but Iam sorry to say that its already sold. Sorry." My world was in pieces. I could cry. Well, I thought a little. I saidto myself.... "How, where and by which way.... I WANT AN AMIGA NOW!"The next day I grabbed 7000 NOK from my bank account, ran to the local computershop, threw the dosh on the counter and said "An Amiga 500 1.3,please".I got a joystick (arcade) and a 512 kb extra memory. I carried it home.And then plundered my friends for games.I sat 3 days and 3 nights playing. Then I fell asleep next to my AMIGA.I soon realised that you could to other things with the Amiga than playold, crappy games. So I started playing new, stunning games. I was in heaven.I got myself some contacts. and every day I got new [pirated]games: Shadowof the Beast, Pirates, Crazy Cars II, Test Drive 2 and F18 Interceptor wasjust some of the games I got. Me and a fellow decided to start a group. We called us the extremelyoriginal name: A-TEAM (I'm sure there is 50 groups with that name). We foundout the secret of making a startup-sequence together [initialisation softwarewhich runs from a program disk] . And we made a tool[utility program] discon 2 disks. We used 2 months. We was now a good (we thought) group. Some couple of guys from Yakutzacame over and looked at our tool disk. "Wow!" they said and askedif we wanted to join them. We didn't, because we were pro's. After a longperiod of time, we found out that it was on time to change name. We gotthe name: Conspiracy. And as I had got my hands on Rsi Demomaker [softwarefor making demos without programming frowned upon as a lame method by bonafide demo coders], we made a "stunning" megademo. And we arrangedour first copy party. We were the huge amount of 11 people on that party.We were all a bunch of x-copy [fast disk duplication software bypassingsome copy protection schemes] turtles. We made more lame tool disks anda couple of "megademos". Then I got tired of Conspiracy and joineda self made group called TRIXEL with Dr. D which then was a member of thefalse PIRATES. He showed me the secrets of ProTracker 1.1b [audio sequencingsoftware for creating music]. I was now a musician....My first module [a music sequence file format] was horrible. I did managethe rhythm and bass from the beginning. It was the melody I had troublewith. Well, Trixel joined "Pirates" (I thought this was the realPIRATES) and we gave out some total HORRIBLE Music disks. (Well, not thathorrible. I made two AWESOME mixes. (I was starting to get the hang of it).I quit PIRATES and joined ROBO-TEAM. I was now a novice musician. I managed(to a certain point) the melodies. And made two musax disks. I made somecool musax like Dream Child and so on.... I got tired of RBT and joinedEXTENSION and made a musax disk. But a guy there made me pissed of. So Iagain made a group with Dr. D called POWERMINDS.We arranged a party with 24 people at the most. It was a success. Wemade Jukebox 1 and 2 at that party. These musax disks was average. We didn'thave a coder, so we made everything in CLI. I got fed up with Dr. D aftermaking Jukebox III. He was from BERGEN. I got an offer from RBT (again)about joining them. I accepted one 1 condition. If the changed their name.We agreed on WEDLOCK. But a few days later I heard from a pal that The Hitchersaid that I wasn't a member anyway, because the other members didn't agreeto change the name. (bet he didn't ask them).Me and Fairbrain then made our own group and called it WEDLOCK. We madea couple of musax disk (Beatbox 1,2,3) We do now have a coder so Beatbox4 will be an improvement compared to my other productions. We have arrangeda party which was a success (40 people). We got sponsor deals and got alot of money (400Kr each at 4 people) but we could have got more if TheHicther/RBT hadn't screwed up. He didn't charge ticket price from 15 people(1125 kr).Well, Some may say that I am still a beginner. Yes, I agree to that ifthey compare me to for example: Fleshbrain, Jesper Kyd etc. But I at leasttry to learn something instead of complaining and talking. (Hear, Hear Vortex).Now two of my friends got A2000 with hard disk and one got CDTV. I wantan A2000. Our group still needs a coder so write to....CARDIAXX, BOX 105, 5460 HUSNES, NORWAY. (Grapevine #12 1992)AGE AND GENDERThe study of the collected materials indicates the demo scene as evidentlyconsisting almost entirely of adolescent male youth. While direct observationof the genre materials themselves does not provide much corroborative textualevidence of this since the participants and producers almost in every caseuse pseudonyms, some speculative conclusions are nevertheless possible.The members of the most prolific group encountered in the study, Anarchyat some time in 1992 were for example Rush, Icronite, Milkshake, Sunjohn,Slash, Madfreak, Maestro and Trix in Denmark; Performer, Ronan, Audiomonster,NHP, BKK, DCA, Zoom, Rasputin, Rookie, Surferand Conquest in France; Dan,Nuke, Krest, Critical Mass, Mystic, Kris, Del, Mole, Mr Big and Judge Drockin England; Facet in Holland, Pinny in Germany and Trillion in the USA (JudgeDrokk, Anarchy: Members and Management, RAW DISKMAG #2, PMC, 1992).Since these are pseudonyms or handles in the vernacular, there can onlybe general assumption as to their gender when seen in credit lists or greetingsscrolltexts. Further reading in this instance shows Judge Drokk in describinghis role as organiser of Anarchy, alluding to the group members gender inthe sentence "I believe you must never put pressure onto one of yourmembers, you have to respect your members as individuals, each with lotsof things in his life except [in addition to] his group".Interviews, reports, advertisements and in some instance photographsin the various scene diskzines serve to further confirm the assumption ofthe male gender orientation of the subculture. Numerous examples ofindividual'scontact details have been found to include both pseudonym and real name.For instance in issue 1 of HEXAGONE / PARASITE, a French scene diskzinepublished on September 25, 1992 by the French Group INTENSE, provides contactdetails of the individual group members with their real names as well asalias handles. No female group member names were encountered in theHEXAGONE/PARASITEpublication. Similarly, it has been found that articles in such publicationsinfer the male gender almost exclusively when referring to individuals inthe scene. Some typical extracts here taken from RAW DISKMAG #2publishedby PURE METAL CODERS in early 1992 illustrates:Hawkeye left Static Bytes and joined [Kefrens] along with hisboard [BBS]`Dreamland'. He also changed his handle to Stormbringer.Gadget of Cytax joined due to internal problems in Cytax Sweden. Healso changed his handle, after many tries he decided to stick with Logic.Bold Eagle has shut down his board `The Abyzz' due to personalproblems.The happiest musician in 1991 must be TIP. In 1990 he was dust,in 1991 he's gold.Also here we have a guy who has taken the whole table. I am talkingabout Uno of Scoopex. Yes you read right! Even boring Amiga Freaks can get HIV... The personI am talking about is Rizzo/ The Silents. He is a sysop onCyberdyne.Uncharacteristically the same issue of RAW carries an interview articleby Lord Helmet of Pure Metal Coders, CHAT WITH SEXY AMIGA GIRL, 16year old Wiquie of Linkoping, Sweden, a female member of the group Cytax.Unlike the interview articles generally dwelling upon supposedly male scenemembers' interests such as scene business, demo making, group administration,competition organisation and demo evaluation, the interview with Wiquieconsists of essentially sexist chit chat on the subject of her preferencesin the opposite gender. Only one question addresses a remotely technicalissue:"Lord Helmet: Why do you think that so few girls are attracted tothe computer? Wiqui: Girls are smart, boys are stupid!"Perhaps significantly, Wiquie of CYTAX was not reported as having a handleor pseudonym as is customary for male group members. In that context, thearticle by way of introduction infers that Wiqui might be more a decorativeappendage to the group rather than active functionary, and simply states:"The group is CYTAX. Her handle is being cute." The issue of gender orientation with regard to the development of interestin computer technology is usefully discussed by Dr. Leslie Haddon in heressay Interactive Games (Hayward P [edited by], Culture, Technology& Creativity in the Late Twentieth Century, John Libbey, London 1992,p. 123-147). Haddon concludes that while girls enjoyment of computer games,including those of a fast action arcade nature, was no less enthusiasticthat of boys, discourse on the topic of computers, the exchange of gamesand game playing tips outside of the game playing environment was foundnot to be regarded with the same degree of priority or importance by girls.Haddon indicates that for boys, conversation about technical issues suchas computer games and computers can serves an important socialising function.Haddon also observes that the opportunity for socialising available inelectronicgames arcades, socially acceptable and popular as gathering places for maleyouth interested in computer games and their technologies has been generallydenied girls due to a somewhat unsavoury perception of such places by parents.The kind of sustained ongoing preoccupation with technology which mightconsequently develop in a substantial proportion of the male gender is notaccording to Haddon therefore shared by their female counterparts who otherwiseengage with the same computer game texts as the males with equal enthusiasm.Recent research conducted by Dr. Valerie Clarke and Joy Teague, bothof Deakin University in Australia, would appear to confirm Haddons conclusionsconcerning social influences. On the basis of research data collected overthree years, Clarke and Teague report, though in the context of gender balancein computer education rather than leisure computing, that "low numbersof girls and women in computer science classes appears to be related tosocietal factors rather than to gender" (Clarke VA, Teague GJ,EncouragingGirls to Study Computer Science - Should We Even Try?, AustralianEducationalComputing, Vol. 9 No.1, May 1994, p 17-22, 32). Dr. Sadie Plant in her article Beyond The Screens: Film, Cyberpunkand Feminism (Variant, issue 14, Glasgow 1994, p. 12-18), asserts afar deeper culturally ingrained position characterising the attitudes totechnology of men and women. Her article describes the marginalisation ofwomens' speech by the "dominant [male] system of communication"which has been technology oriented. Further, Plant states that "Theconnection between women and technology has been sedimented in patriarchalmyth: machines were female because they were mere things on which menworked".Against this background Plant sees a future in which non linear, Hypertextlike, computer mediated communication, parallelling the "immediacyof women's communion with each other", as posing a challenging alternativeand "disrupting every conception of the straightforward [male]narrative."Cyberfeminity, a virtual reality, she concludes, is a process through whichpreferable alternatives might be asserted to the control oriented anddestructivehistory of man's achievements. While Haddon, Clark and Teague present a view describing the female genderas being at least equally effective to the male when operating within acomputing environment, though without the preoccupation characterising maleinvolvement with the technology as a factor of peer group socialisation,Plant presents a scenario of the linguistically framed and culturallymaintaineddisadvantage of women as an opportunity to impact upon the status quo dueto a common communication paradigm, that of networking, now occurring withinelectronic communication infrastructures. Both the reason of sociallyconstrainedopportunity as stated by Haddon and that of linguistic determination asasserted by Plant lends credence to the assumption that the demo scene ispredominantly a male subculture. Both may be viewed as corollary to recentfindings in the USA indicating that 80% of homes with boys between the agesof 8 to 16 have a games computer (Battelle J, Johnstone B, The Next Level:Sega's Plans for World Domination, Wired, USA vol.1.6, Dec. 1993. p.73-77, 128-131). GATHERINGSA further feature of the scene are the gatherings of members. These couldbe simply copy parties for the purpose of fellowship software copying withas few as 3 or 4 attendees in some one's home, however some are large eventsusually planned some months in advance and involve the hire of a venue andprovision for a range of technical and logistic conference type requirements.These are usually hosted by well established groups with a significantreputationin the scene and can attract upwards of 500 attendees. In terms of theiragenda these larger events are very similar in their social function tothe cultural festivals which feature in mainstream society such as theEisteddfodin Wales, film festivals etc. These gatherings or parties provide anopportunityfor members from various groups and locations to meet, exchange ideas andwarez and compete. Categories for competition are usually best demo, bestintro, best music, best graphics and sometimes there might be a coding competitionto produce an intro or short demo during the time of the party usually twodays. Voting is by the attendees and prizes are awarded either in the formof cash from the sale of tickets for the event, or sometimes hardware, softwareand/or cash from sponsorship. Following the competition, compilations ofthe winners and runners up are produced and distributed. These events arefrequently the opportunity for groups to launch new demos at the same timeproviding an infrastructure, informal and spontaneous as it is, forestablishingand updating qualitative benchmarks for the scene's cultural productions.These productions thus become the principal form of sign equipmentfor groups with which to denote status and standing within the subculture.TOWARDS AN UNDERSTANDING OF MOTIVATION As earlier discussed, the production of demos frequently represents anenormous investment in time and commitment for the individuals concerned.The issue of motivation therefore arises. The reward from winning competitionsoffering computer hardware or peripherals or a cash amount of between $200- $500 while to a high school student, a typical group member, might seemsubstantial, once split up among individuals in a group as in the case ofcash, financially is unlikely to cover international or even local travellingexpenses to attend such an event. Also it is thought to be a fair assumptionthat only a minority of the total number of demos produced are done so withthe intention of demo competition entry. The reasons being that competitionstandard is generally known to be high, being set by elite groups with atrack record. This factor of standard and difficulty in it's attainmentis not insignificant when taken in the context of the scene as a whole.As already indicated, analysis of the research sample data shows that ofthe 398 scene groups identified only 132 or roughly one third have mademore than one production of any kind. A further consideration againstcompetitionentry being a prime motivator is that as a rule, in order to enter membersof the production group must be present. A travel expense probably too highfor many. SELF PROMOTIONWhat is overtly evident is that there are several examples where thecontent invites response from entities other than members of the undergroundscene. Within the music tracks for instance, in place of instrument namesof the sound files used there is to be found information how a softwarehouse or other interested parties might contact the composer in order tocommission music. Graphicians or electronic illustrators and designersgenerallysign their work and certainly the coders or programmers are aware that softwarecompanies may talent spot. Indeed some groups have in due course developedcommercial software, for example the group Silents who have writtenthe top selling games Pinball Dreams followed by PinballFantasies,both released for the IBM PC as well as the Amiga. Demos in these instancesbecome the vehicle for skill exposition and perform the same function thata showreel might for a film production company. Some examples offer demoproduction as a financial proposition to potential clients including otherscene groups who may not possess within their ranks the skills to producetheir own demo. Occasionally a sub-theme within a demo might be derisionor a challenge with regard to another group. In the main however, the messagescarried in scrolling text form, against a background of visual effects dealwith self acclamation with regard to the producers and the expression offriendship and acknowledgment towards the scene of which the producers seethemselves as a part of. This acknowledgment of others is a feature in themajority of demos and is referred to as the greetings list. Here,several dozen names of other groups or pseudonyms of individuals might scrollby during the course of a demo.The demo as a means of posturing for status within a social structurein terms of stratification within the subculture is also worthy of notingas a factor in the motivation of individual and group effort. An establishedperception with regard to degrees of achievement in terms of accomplishmentswhich are valued and admired within the subculture community as a wholecreate distinctions of status. These distinctions or pursuit of the valuesthey represent are reasons for example why members may migrate between groupsor why groups dissolve, disperse and re-emerge under different names.THE DEMO MAKERS PERSPECTIVERecorded interviews with demo makers are rare in conventional paperpublicationsand only two have been located in the course of the study. Shatz in hisWalkthroughs and Flybys CD publication does no more than reportsentimentsthough not direct quotations in his discussion of the Finnish PC demo groupFuture Crew and their founder Sami Tammilehto. Shatz reports:"In the next year, they plan to start writing games for a US basedcompany to break into the multimedia industry. Regardless, they intend tokeep creating demos and distributing them for free because they have somuch fun doing so. What they enjoy most of all is the competition and sharingof Ideas with other groups in the demo community".A verbatim interview published in The Australian Commodore & AmigaReview (James O, The C64 Column, April 1992, p 56) between OwenJames and Slash (Damien Britt) of the Digital Underground elaboratesfurther:OJ: Why spend so much time coding a demo that will probably be forgottenin a couple of weeks? DB: We try and make the demos so that they are remembered and not justforgotten. Um, it could be ego related as well, because a lot of the diskmagazines produce charts from people voting, and getting Number One is probablywhat most people aim for. Mainly it is just for fun and experience Isuppose.OJ: What are your average ages?DB: It would probably be about 16 or 17, but can range from anywherefrom 13 to 60. Most of us are still going to school and are still enjoyingour youth. OJ: Do you find it interferes with your social lives?DB: Not really. You code in your spare time, when you want as there aren'texactly deadlines, though sometimes there is! We just go and enjoy our normallives and code in spare time. It actually enhances your social life in away, because when you swap it is just like having lots of pen pals, andthere are usually parties and things where you can meet these other peopleon the `scene', as we call it. Also if you are travelling, you know a lotof people and you can go and meet them etc.OJ: How did you get onto the demo scene?DB: Firstup, I was asked by somebody at school, and we formed a smalllocal "lamer" group. However we slowly improved and got morerecognition.Have you seen addresses in demos? Well, you write to them and ask to swapand slowly build up from there.OJ: Any last thoughts or deep and meaningful philosophies on life oranything else?DB:.... If people think they are interested, then they should give ita go as it is challenging, fun and fulfilling. It gives you experience inprogramming and a lot of the scene guys go on to become game coders anddoing other things for software houses. An interview with Mr Hyde, demo coder of the Swedish group Anromeda inRAW diskmag (Issue 2, 1991, item 45) provides a little further insight:Q: Is it hard to find new ideas to code? A: It's not hard to find ideas, but it's hard to find good ideas. Mostoften ideas pop up at school when we are having a boring lesson. Q: What is your motivation to use so much time to code demos? A: Sugarcubes (Not the pop group, real ones!), and the great force called"code-gleden.Philipetto of Vega poses a more philosophical stance on the issue andoffers some salutary advice to aspirants and colleagues alike:Now, all democoders have to face that it happened at least one time thatsomeone asked them: "but why do you spend so much time on such a uselessthing?"You can't deny it: demos are useless. They can be as nice asyou want but they are made just to be shown.Before going on, I want to determine a thing: I'm not against demos atall, because I have composed about 40 tunes for demos and I have coded about20 demos. I have already shown the bad part of democoding: at the end ofthe work you have a thing which after being watched one time will be forgotten(I know that the great demos are always remembered, but it's a bit strangethat a guy spends his whole day watching the same demo 100 times)The good thing of democoding is that the coder makes experiences andstarts to know the machine. This is a very positive fact and it's very usefulfor the future.Now, demos should be the favourite hobby of a democoder.And this is OK, too. But the democoding must not overlap the other factsof life of a guy, because otherwise the guy after some years will find himselfwith 3-4 wasted years, and I mean wasted in doing nothing for his life,because you can be as famous as you want in the scene, but REAL life iscompletely different...... Life flows around the money. This is a fact. Have you ever askedyourself why actually all the best coders and musicians (and graphicians)work for software houses?..... So, if you are really good, don't work only for the scene. Softwarehouses are always looking for talented people. Get the chance to earn somemoney." (Filipetto of Vega, Why Coding Demos?, Freedom Crack 9, 1992)MASLOW'S HUMANIST PHILOSOPHYIn many respects a scene member's devotion of hundreds of hours in theproduction of a demo for little reward other than "fun andfulfillment",as Damien Britt alias Slash who is quoted above stated; can be asserted,is no different than for example, a model engineering hobbyist spendinga year or two painstakingly manufacturing a 1/20th full working scale modelof a steam locomotive. A further parallel might be drawn between what mightbe interpreted as the obsessive dedication to the task undertaken by demomakers and the "fanatical enthusiasm" exhibited by otaku,Japanese "teens or tweens mostly boys" for collecting artefactsor knowledge connected with some commodity or media type as a "maniacfield of interest" (Grassmuck V, Otaku - Japanese kids colonisethe realm of information and media, Mediamatic, Vol 5, No 4, 1990),(Greenfeld K T, The Incredibly Strange Mutant Creatures Who Rule TheUniverse of Alienated Japanese Zombie Computer Nerds (Otaku to You),Wired, Vol 1, No 1, 1992, p 66-68) . Only the context changes. It is theurge and conviction to persist which, it is concluded, is the more significantsimilarity between the products of the demo scene and those of the artistsand film makers referred to in chapter 1, and not the formal features ofthe artefacts themselves for which no evidence has been found for intentionalcommonality in the visual references of the more recent to the former.Fun and a sense of fulfilment are human responses to the satisfactionof a felt need or urge. A. H. Maslow's writings on the subject ofself-actualisationand creativity provide within the parameters of this study the mostsatisfactoryanswer to the issue of the motivation involved. In his book (Maslow A H,The Farther Reaches of Human Nature (1971), Penguin, 1978) Maslowdebates the question of intrinsic values in human nature. He postulatesthat creativeness is an intrinsic characteristic of humanity. His main thesisconcerns the holistic nature of the person and the ill effects on well beingor metapathologies which occur as a result of the denial of opportunityfor the actualisation of such intrinsic traits. In discussing this postulate,Maslow differentiates between the motivation involved in the satisfactionof basic human needs, into which category he includes "belongingness,affection, respect and self esteem" (A theory of metamotivation:The Biological Rooting of the Value Life, The Farther Reaches of HumanNature, chapter 23), and the dynamics which then motivate the self-actualisingpersons further, in terms of dedication, self sacrifice, devotion to a cause,aspiration, anger etc. Maslow calls this higher level drive ,"metamotivation".He points out that mere gratification of the basic needs can in it's selfbe compatible with "existential neurosis" that is meaninglessness,valuelessness and the like. Self actualising individuals on the other hand,he points out are dedicated people devoted to some task or vocation"outsidethemselves". They have a passion and profound feeling for their work.In this situation "internal requiredness coincides with externalrequiredness".Employment, voluntary service in some capacity or requested tasks are perceivedby self actualising individuals as self indulgence, a pleasure, rather thanduty or imposed necessity. The task is felt to provide a release for oneor other intrinsic human trait such as creativity and therefore facilitatesfulfilment. As a result, opportunity for self actualisation translates intomanifestations of fine craftsmanship for example, selfless devotion in helpingothers or the pursuit and delight in excellence of achievement. Suchindividuals,Maslow has also found by research, "quite easily and decisively "knowright from wrong" for themselves", and the assertion is made thatthe denial of self actualisation can manifest as value confusion and an"active hatred of the good (or trying to become good) person, orsuperiority,excellence, beauty, talent, etc."; [hence possibly the delight in sabotageand chaos as discussed earlier in connection with the writings of Taylorand Walton (Images of Deviance), and the observations of Hebdige concerningyouth culture].The intrinsic human values which metamotivate self actualisingindividuals, Maslow asserts are "instinctoid in nature, i.e., theyare needed (a) to avoid illness and (b) to achieve fullest humanness ofgrowth. The "illnesses" resulting from deprivation of intrinsicvalues (metaneeds) we may call metapathologies". Thesemetapathologieswhich result from the denial of opportunity for self actualisation include:Alienation, Loss of Zest in Life, Meaninglessness, Boredom, Philosophicalcrisis, Apathy, resignation and fatalism, Desacralization of life, Joylessness,Cynicism, and "Aimless" destructiveness, resentment and vandalism.The kinds of "Pathogenic Deprivation" which leads to the above"Metapathologies" are for example: Dishonesty - [denying] Truth - [leading to] Disbelief, mistrust, cynicism,scepticism and suspicion; Ugliness - [denying] Beauty - [leading to] Vulgarity,Specific unhappiness, restlessness, loss of taste, tension, fatigue,Philistinismand Bleakness; Deadness, Mechanizing of life - [denying] Aliveness Process- [leading to] Deadness, Robotising, Feeling oneself to be totally determined,Loss of emotion, Boredom, and Experiential emptiness; Injustice - [denying]Justice - [leading to] Insecurity, Anger, cynicism, lawlessness, jungleworld view and total selfishness.(extract: Maslow, Table 3, B-Values and specific Metapathologies) Maslow concludes, "The metaneeds [truth, goodness, perfection, justice,etc.] seem to me to be instinctoid, that is, to have an appreciable hereditary,species-wide determination. But they are potentialities rather than actualities.Culture is definitely and absolutely needed for their actualisation; butalso culture can fail to actualise them....".CONCLUSIONIt is a conclusion of the present study that a human pre-dispositionto self actualisation in the terms which Maslow postulates, substantiallyprovides a plausible hypothesis regarding the underlying motivation forthe frequently long and sustained co-operative effort required for demoproduction. It seems that the technological capability of the computer andthe camaraderie of peers, provides the opportunity for self actualisationto occur. It is an opportunity to strive to excel and achieve in the faceof what might appear to be an unsatisfactory and hypocritical cultural andsocial external environment. It is noted however that this predispositionfor self actualisation is equal for any domain of endeavour that might bedetermined through the enculturation of the individual.Analysis of the collected study materials has revealed a scale of productionunanticipated at the investigations commencement. The 743 individual examplesof the genre identified, and catalogued together with evidence in the formof 34 hours of video recorded excerpts it is asserted, constitutes asignificantlysubstantial basis for the recognition of a cultural phenomenon. Further,the identified and collected internal scene publications give weight tothe identification of a distinct and significant trans-national male genderbased, youth subculture. It is a subculture which effectively exists onanarchistic principles, inasmuch as it survives on the basis of libertyand co-operation in the absence of coercive or cohesive structural influence.The productions, demos and intros, created within this environment functionboth as the sign equipment of the subculture and as a means of self expressionand self actualisation for the individuals involved. These productions havealso been found to present certain characteristics which in combinationdistinguish the genre sufficiently from other existing kinetic audio visualmedia genre types to warrant the genre's recognition as a specific and distincttype of cultural artefact. These are the routines and the essentiallynon-narrativeformat of their presentation. Series of technical exercises as demonstrationsof prowess and mastery of their medium of expression, though with theirmusical presentation context also involving creativity in their choreographytherefore resulting in a type of vernacular audio visual art form. The authorconcludes that these findings supported by the diversity of the materialsidentified, and the now available information resources through the Internetcommunication resource, are sufficient to constitute a significant cybersubculture.REFERENCESHafner K, Markoff J, Cyberpunk, Corgi 1994Battelle J, Johnstone B, Seizing The Next Level, Wired, December 1993Editors, Demos Corner, Amiga Format, March 1990Bradley S, PD Demo Zone, Amiga Format, January 1994Borzyskowski G, Proceedings of the 1992 International Interactive MultimediaSymposium, Interactive Multimedia A Graphic Designers View, Curtin 1992Shatz P, Wakthroughs And Flybys CD, Waite Group Press, 1993Ten Golden Demos, diskzine Fourth Dimension #5 1/12/1990Editors, Amiga Guide PD Special, CU AMIGA, November 1991Beswick K, Hoist the Jolly Roger, Amiga Games, October 1991Gibsons W, Neuromancer, Victor Gollancz, 1984Trench M, documentary film Cyberpunk, 1990Stevens K, Software Piracy and the Amiga, Amiga User International, May1988Sterling B, Wired, Compost of Empire, April 1994 Taylor L, Walton P, Idustrial Sabotage: Motives and meanings, Ed. 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